Forming a High Level Expert Group to Strengthen Global Gender Justice

INEQUALITIES

Forming a High Level Expert Group to Strengthen Global Gender Justice

In a groundbreaking initiative to address gender-based injustices, the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at New York University School of Law together with the American Society of International Law, University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School’s Women, Law, and Leadership Project and the University of Oxford’s Bonavero Institute for Human Rights formed the High-Level Expert Group on Gender Persecution and Gender Apartheid

The High-Level Expert Group is led by Baroness Helena Kennedy of The Shaws KC, a Member of the House of Lords and founder of the Bonavero Institute of Human Rights; Catherine Amirfar, Partner and Co-Chair of the International Disputes Resolution Group and Public International Law Group at Debevoise & Plimpton LLP; Rangita de Silva de Alwis, a Senior Fellow at Penn Carey Law and Member of CEDAW; and Ghizal Haress, a former Ombudsperson for the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and visiting professor at the University of Toronto. 

The group is comprised of an esteemed array of global experts and human rights defenders who bring to bear a wealth of knowledge and expertise, including José E. Alvarez, NYU School of Law Herbert and Rose Rubin Professor of International Law.

The High-Level Expert Group seeks to address gaps in the existing international legal framework addressing gender-based crimes, including by examining the basis for gender apartheid and gender persecution under international law, developing the definitions and framework for addressing these crimes, advancing accountability efforts against perpetrators of gender-based crimes, and centering the voices of victims and those directly affected by gender apartheid and gender persecution.

Through this newly-launched initiative, NYU Law students have the opportunity through research to be part of the ongoing efforts to achieve justice for victims of gender-based apartheid and/or persecution around the world. A myriad of legal research assignments on topics ranging from gender-based crimes under international law to human rights protections against gender-based discrimination will be carried under the direct supervision of pro-bono attorneys at a local NY firm supervised by Prof. Alvarez. 

Can human rights provide a hopeful vision of a more equal future?

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Can human rights provide a hopeful vision of a more equal future?

Rampant inequality around the world has forced the international human rights community to confront a basic yet controversial question – what to do about it?

International human rights have struggled to provide satisfactory answers to poverty and inequality since their inception. From debates around the use of political means to address social issues in the aftermath of World War II, to more recent discussions on the false dichotomy between social justice and human rights, much has happened within the human rights field in terms of its engagement with socio-economic issues. Yet answers to the question of what a rights-based vision to end poverty and inequality could look like continue to prove elusive.

For much of the 20th century, progressive leaders and thinkers focused their message on the hopeful possibility of a better future. Workers rallied for better working conditions and women demonstrated for more freedoms and rights. Human rights provided a positive narrative on which to build these demands. Today, however, hopeful narratives about a brighter future no longer have the galvanizing effect they once had. Climate change is irreversible and political leadership is clearly not up to the task. Promised technological advancements have brought exclusion and precariousness in the gig economy. Undue privileging of pharma interests in political decisions has meant that COVID-19 vaccine distribution remains deeply unequal. The list keeps going, and yet the human rights community struggles to provide a positive, proactive vision of the future.

The pandemic has prompted many to call for a redesign of the economic system, and this has provided an opening for actors in the human rights field. The World Economic Forum, for example, argued for a “Great Reset,” an opportunity to “reimagine” the economy towards “stakeholder capitalism.” In this apolitical, conflict-less vision of the world, economic problems exist out there, in a vacuum, waiting for someone to solve them. Conflict can be resolved through a “social contract” and “agreement on shared values” between governments, businesses, and individuals. But can there be a social contract and an agreement on shared values while Jeff Bezos had “the best day ever” as he flew into space for $28 million, and the equivalent of 125 million people have lost their jobs since the start of the pandemic? Can there be “shared values” when the poorest half owns 2% of total wealth and the richest 10% own 76%?

Although there is now growing consensus that inequality is problematic in more ways than one, the question is whether human rights provide a positive, hopeful vision to end it. But, for this to happen, the human rights community must first face a prior, very basic question – what to do about it? Should human rights aim at eradicating inequalities or simply at “reducing” them? Even if we agree on what the goal is, how do we accomplish it? Do we reduce the number of poor or the number of billionaires?

These seemingly basic questions point at broader, generalized misunderstandings of the relationship between poverty and inequality that the human rights field has not fully solved yet.

Those with an interest in maintaining the status quo continue to spread damaging ideas that further entrench inequality based on the concepts of “meritocracy” and “trickle-down” economics. At their most basic, these fallacies argue that when those at the top are rewarded for their ability and effort, their high earnings will continue to incentivize them and will also benefit those at the bottom, notably in the form of jobs, higher wages, and better products. Following this, government policies should support the wealthy, including through tax breaks at the top, because they will somehow “trickle down” to the poor.

As it turns out, these beliefs are particularly present in countries where income inequality is highest. They are typically held by those who already see high inequality levels as legitimate, which is in turn typically stronger in individuals with higher incomes. The perceived gap between the poor and the rich in terms of their “merit” also happens to grow in more unequal societies, leading people to assume that inequality of income correlates strongly with inequality of merit. In other words, higher inequality levels lead those with higher incomes to perceive the poor as less “meritorious” and more deserving of their socioeconomic situation, and therefore to justify inequality on the basis of unequal merit.

Moreover, while higher inequality damages societies in their entirety, it harms some more than others. People in poverty and those on low incomes are particularly impacted by inequality. With higher inequality, their incomes decrease, their educational attainment drops, and their health worsens. In contrast, individuals on high incomes and wealth remain largely undisturbed by inequality. Their personal connections, used to access high-paying jobs, good quality schools, and top healthcare, endure.

And yet addressing inequality as a precondition for poverty eradication remains taboo. Charity towards the poor is perceived as a generally accepted response to poverty, whereas questioning inequality, which necessarily leads to questioning the legitimacy or appropriateness of top incomes and wealth accumulation, is still a political anathema.

The international human rights community can and should question these beliefs and provide a renewed hopeful vision of a more equal future. For that, looking at poverty from a human rights perspective must necessarily entail examining income and wealth concentration at both the bottom and the top – beginning with claiming tax justice, making social protection universal, demanding adequate funding for public services, and redefining what long-term public investments look like. The future of human rights largely depends on our ability, as human rights advocates, to develop an expertise in these topics, dispel damaging myths, and strategically infuse the language of rights and obligations within them.

May 25, 2022. Paula Fernandez-Wulff, Visiting Scholar (AY 2021-2022).
Paula Fernandez-Wulff is the Senior Advisor to the UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights and Scholar in Residence, Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, New York University School of Law. 

This post reflects the opinions of the author and not necessarily the views of NYU, NYU Law or the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice. The views presented here should also not be attributed to the United Nations or any of its agencies.

Wrong Prescription: The Impact of Privatizing Healthcare in Kenya

INEQUALITIES

Wrong Prescription: The Impact of Privatizing Healthcare in Kenya

A collaboration between The Economic and Social Rights Centre-Hakijamii and the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at New York University School of Law.

The 49-page report draws from more than 180 interviews with healthcare users and providers, government officials, and experts, and finds that the government-backed expansion of the private healthcare sector in Kenya is leading to exclusion and setting back the country’s goal of universal health coverage. 

The report documents how policies designed to increase private sector participation in health, in combination with chronic underinvestment in the public healthcare system, have led to a rapid increase in the role of for-profit private actors and undermined the right to health. Privatizing healthcare has proven costly for individuals and the government, and pushed Kenyans into poverty and crushing debt. While the wealthy may be able to access high-quality private care, for many, particularly in lower-income areas, the private sector offers low-quality services that may be inadequate or unsafe. The report concludes with a call to prioritize the public healthcare system.

Rights groups warn private healthcare is failing many, draining public resources

INEQUALITIES

Rights groups warn private healthcare is failing many, draining public resources

Government-backed expansion of the private healthcare sector in Kenya is leading to exclusion and setting back the goal of universal health coverage, said two rights groups in a report released today. National policies intended to increase private sector participation in healthcare, alongside chronic underinvestment in the public system, have contributed to an explosion of for-profit private actors who often provide poor value for money, neglect public health priorities, and push Kenyans into poverty and crushing debt.

The 49-page report, “Wrong Prescription: The Impact of Privatizing Healthcare in Kenya,” is authored by Hakijamii and the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at New York University. It finds that privatization has proven costly for individuals and the government, has shut people out of access to healthcare, and is undermining the right to health. The government’s signature policy for achieving universal health coverage—the planned expansion of private-sector friendly social insurance through the National Hospital Insurance Fund (NHIF)—risks exacerbating these problems.

“Privatization is the wrong prescription for achieving universal health coverage,” said Philip Alston, former United Nations Special Rapporteur and co-author of the report. “Proponents of private healthcare make all sorts of promises about how it will lower costs and improve access, but our research finds private actors have really failed to deliver.”

“Promoters of private care have gravely misdiagnosed the situation,” said Nicholas Orago, Executive Director of Hakijamii and co-author of the report. “While many associate private care with high-quality facilities, the ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ experience entirely different private sectors. Private healthcare has been disastrous for poor and vulnerable communities, who are left with low-quality, low-cost providers pedaling services that are too often unsafe or even illegal.”

Privatizing care has proven costly for both individuals and the government. The private health sector relies heavily on government funding, including tens of billions of shillings each year to contract with private facilities, subsidize access to private care, and pay for secretive public-private partnerships. Individuals face excessively high fees at private facilities, where treatment can cost in excess of twelve times more than the public sector.

“Healthcare is a big business, with global corporations and private equity firms lining up to profit off the sector in Kenya,” said Rebecca Riddell, Co-director of the Human Rights and Privatization Project at the Center and co-author of the report. “These companies expect returns on their investments, leading to overwhelmingly higher prices in the private sector while scarce public resources prop up private profits.”

The report draws from more than 180 interviews with healthcare users and providers, government officials, and experts. Researchers spoke with community members from informal settlements in Mombasa and Nairobi as well as rural areas in Isiolo. Many described being excluded from private care or facing hardships to afford treatment, such as selling important assets like land or forgoing educational and livelihood opportunities. Others described tragic consequences of low-quality care at private providers, including unnecessary deaths and disabilities. The impact has been particularly severe for people who are poor or low income, women, people with disabilities, and those in rural areas.

Researchers also found that the private sector in Kenya is concentrated in more profitable forms of care, and has neglected less commercially viable areas, patients, and services. Private sector healthcare workers described having to meet patient “targets” as well as working in conditions significantly inferior to those in the public sector.

“The disconnect between profits and public health goals should cause policymakers to rethink their reliance on the private sector,” said Bassam Khawaja, Co-director of the Human Rights and Privatization Project and report co-author. “Many essential health services are incredibly valuable or even lifesaving but may not be profitable as one-off transactions.”

The anticipated nationwide rollout of mandatory NHIF coverage will divert more public money to private actors without preventing exclusion and high costs. Though the NHIF is a public insurer, it contracts extensively with private facilities, offers private providers higher reimbursement rates, and sends most of its claims money to private actors. “Expanding coverage through the NHIF instead of investing in a strong public health system is a major step backwards,” Orago said.

Much of the pressure to privatize has come from external actors in the global North. Key development actors have urged Kenya to increase the private sector’s role in health, including international financial institutions, private foundations, and wealthy countries looking for new markets.

“An ideological commitment to the private sector has trumped the rights of the Kenyan people, as development actors promote private care and financing without accountability,” Alston said. “The extreme secrecy around many arrangements with the private health sector opens the door to corruption and self-dealing.”

The report concludes that the government should rethink its support for the private sector and prioritize the public healthcare system, which still delivers the majority of inpatient and outpatient care in Kenya despite being starved of resources. “While the government should address serious shortcomings in the public system, popular recent investments illustrate an enduring appetite for public care,” said Alston.

“With sufficient political will and resources, the public healthcare system is best positioned to provide all Kenyans with the accessible, affordable, and quality healthcare that they have a right to,” said Orago.

This post was originally published as a press release on November 16, 2021.

Makundi ya haki yaonya kuwa huduma ya afya ya kibinafsi inaathiri wengi, kufuja rasli mali za umma

INEQUALITIES

Makundi ya haki yaonya kuwa huduma ya afya ya kibinafsi inaathiri wengi, kufuja rasli mali za umma

Hatua ya serikali kuunga mkono upanuzi wa huduma ya afya ya kibinafsi nchini Kenya imesababisha kutengwa na kurudisha nyuma hatua za kutimiza malengo ya afya kwa wote, makundi mawili ya haki yamesema kwenye ripoti iliyotolewa leo. Sera za kitaifa zilizokusudiwa kuongeza ushiriki wa sekta ya kibinafsi katika utoaji wa huduma ya afya, pamoja na uwekezaji duni katika mfumo wa umma, zimechangia kuenea kwa wahudumu wa kibinafsi ambao mara nyingi hutoa huduma duni, hupuuza vipaumbele vya afya ya umma, na kuwasukuma wakenya wengi katika umasikini na malimbikizi ya madeni.

Ripoti hiyo ya kurasa 52, “Tiba Tatanishi: Athari ya ubinafsishaji wa Huduma ya Afya nchini Kenya,” imeandikwa na Hakijamii kwa pamoja na Kituo cha Haki za Kibinadamu na Haki za Kimataifa katika Chuo Kikuu cha New York (CHRGJ). Ripoti hiyo inabaini kwamba ubinafsishaji umewekea watu binafsi na serikali mzigo mkubwa wa gharama, umewazuia watu wengi kupata huduma ya afya, na unahujumu haki ya afya. Sera kuu ya serikali ya kutimiza mpango wa afya kwa wote—mpango wa kupanua bima ya jamii inayoegemea sekta ya kibinafsi kupitia Hazina ya Kitaifa ya Bima ya Afya (NHIF)—unatishia kuzidisha matatizo haya.

“Ubinafsishaji si suluhisho tosha kwa kutimiza mpango wa afya kwa wote,” alisema Philip Alston, aliyekuwa Mjumbe Maalum wa Umoja wa Mataifa na mwandishi mwenza wa ripoti hii. “Watetezi wa ubinafsishaji wa huduma ya afya hutoa ahadi za kila aina kuhusu jinsi hatua hiyo itapunguza gharama za matibabu na kuimarisha upatikanaji wa huduma ya afya, lakini utafiti wetu umepata kwamba wahudumu wa kibinafsi wameshindwa kabisa kutimiza ahadi zao.”

“Watetezi wa huduma ya afya ya kibinafsi wameshindwa kutoa ufafanuzi halisi wa hali ilivyo,” alisema Nicholas Orago, Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Hakijamii na mwandishi mwenza wa ripoti hii. “Huku wengi wakihusisha huduma ya kibinafsi na vituo vya kiwango cha juu, ‘mabwanyenye’ na ‘wachochole’ hukumbana na aina tofauti za sekta ya kibinafsi. Huduma ya afya ya kibinafsi imekuwa na madhara makubwa kwa watu maskini na jamii zilizoko hatarini, ambazo hulazimika kutumia wahudumu nafuu wa kiwango cha chini, ambao hutoa huduma ambazo mara nyingi ni hatari au hata kinyume cha sheria.”

Ubinafsishaji umedhibitishwa kuwa wa gharama kubwa kwa watu binafsi na serikali. Sekta ya afya ya kibinafsi hutegemea zaidi ufadhili wa serikali, ikiwemo matumizi ya mabilioni ya pesa kila mwaka kutoa kandarasi kwa vituo vya kibinafsi, ruzuku kwa huduma ya kibinafsi, na malipo kwa miradi ya kisiri ya ushirikiano wa sekta za umma na kibinafsi. Watu binafsi hukabiliwa na ada za juu zaidi katika vituo vya kibinafsi, ambako matibabu wakati mwingine yanagharimu mara kumi na mbili zaidi ya gharama katika sekta ya umma.

“Huduma ya afya ni biashara kubwa, huku mashirika ya kimataifa na kampuni za ufadhili wa kibinafsi zikilenga kujinufaisha kutoka sekta hiyo nchini Kenya,” alisema Rebecca Riddell, Mkurugenzi mwenza wa mradi wa Haki za kibinadamu na  Ubinafsishaji katika kituo cha CHRGJ na mwandishi mwenza wa ripoti hii. “Kampuni hizi zinatarajia faida kutoka uwekezaji wao, hatua ambayo husababisha bei za juu zaidi katika sekta ya kibinafsi huku rasli mali haba za umma zikitumika kuimarisha faida za sekta ya kibinafsi.”

Ripoti hii imeandikwa kutokana na mahojiano yaliyofanyiwa watu zaidi ya mia moja themanini wakiwemo wagonjwa na watoaji wa huduma ya afya, maafisa wa serikali na wataalamu. Watafiti walizungumza na wanajamii kutoka mitaa ya mabanda katika miji ya Mombasa na Nairobi na vile vile maeneo ya mashambani katika kaunti ya Isiolo. Wengi walieleza jinsi walivyotengwa kutoka huduma ya kibinafsi au kukabiliwa na matatizo kugharamia matibabu, kama vile kulazimika kuuza mali muhimu kama shamba ama kukatiza masomo ya watoto na fursa nyingine za kutafuta riziki. Wengine walielezea matokeo ya kusikitisha ya huduma ya kiwango cha chini katika vituo vya kibinafsi, ikiwemo vifo ambavyo vingeepukika na ulemavu. Athari zake ni kubwa zaidi kwa watu maskini au wenye mapato ya chini, wanawake, walemavu, na wale wanaoishi sehemu za mashambani.

Watafiti pia walipata kwamba sekta ya kibinafsi nchini Kenya imejilimbikiza zaidi katika huduma zenye faida kubwa,na kupuuza maeneo yenye faida duni, wagonjwa, na huduma. Wafanyikazi wa huduma ya afya katika sekta ya kibinafsi walieleza jinsi walivyohitajika kutimiza “malengo” ya kuhudumia idadi fulani ya wagonjwa na vile vile kufanya kazi katika mazingira duni ikilinganishwa na sekta ya umma.

“Mkinzano kati ya faida na malengo ya afya ya umma unafaa kuwachochea watungaji sera kufikiria upya utegemeaji wa sekta ya kibinafsi,” alisema Bassam Khawaja, Mkurugenzi mwenza wa mradi wa Haki za kibinadamu na Ubinafsishaji na mwandishi mwenza wa ripoti hii. “Huduma nyingi muhimu za afya zina thamani kubwa au ni muhimu kwa kuokoa maisha licha ya kwamba hazina faida kubwa kibiashara.”

Mpango unaotarajiwa wa kusambaza kote nchini huduma ya bima ya afya ya lazima utachangia kuelekezwa kwa pesa zaidi za umma kwa wahudumu wa kibinafsi bila kusitisha kutengwa na gharama za juu. Ingawa NHIF inatoa bima ya umma, hazina hiyo hutoa kandarasi nyingi kwa vituo vya kibinafsi, hulipa wahudumu wa kibinafsi kwa viwango vya juu, na hulipa kiwango kikubwa  cha madai kwa wahudumu wa kibinafsi. “Kupanua huduma kupitia NHIF badala ya kuwekeza katika mfumo dhabiti wa huduma ya afya ya umma ni hatua kubwa kurudi nyuma,” Orago alisema.

Msukumo mkubwa wa ubinafsishaji umetoka kwa washirika wa kigeni. Washirika wakuu wa maendeleo wamehimiza Serikali ya Kenya kuongeza jukumu la sekta ya kibinafsi katika utoaji wa huduma ya afya, ikiwemo  mashirika ya kifedha ya kimataifa, wakfu za kibinafsi, na mataifa tajiri yanayotafuta masoko mapya kwa bidhaa zao.

“Dhamira ya kiitikadi kwa sekta ya kibinafsi imekiuka haki za wakenya, huku washirika wa maendeleo wakieneza na kufadhili huduma ya kibinafsi bila kuwajibika,” Alston alisema. “Usiri mkubwa juu ya makubaliano mengi na sekta ya afya ya kibinafsi unatoa mwanya kwa ufisadi na maslahi ya kibinafsi.”

Ripoti hii inabainisha kwamba serikali inapaswa kufikiria upya msaada wake kwa sekta ya kibinafsi na kutoa kipaumbele kwa mfumo wa huduma ya afya ya umma, ambao bado unatoa huduma nyingi kwa wagonjwa wanaoruhusiwa kwenda nyumba na wale wa kulazwa nchini Kenya licha ya uhaba wa fedha. “Ingawa serikali inafaa kushughulikia mapungufu makubwa katika mfumo wa afya wa umma, uwekezaji maarufu wa hivi karibuni unaonyesha hamu kubwa ya matumizi ya huduma ya afya ya umma,” alisema Alston.

“Kukiwepo na nia njema ya kisiasa na rasli mali, mfumo wa huduma ya afya wa umma una nafasi bora kutoa kwa wakenya wote huduma iliyo rahisi kupatikana, yenye gharama nafuu, na ya kiwango cha juu ambao wanastahili kupata,” alisema Orago.

This post was originally published as a press release on November 16, 2021.

Government’s new strategy grossly inadequate, says former UN Rapporteur Philip Alston

INEQUALITIES

Government’s new strategy grossly inadequate, says former UN Rapporteur Philip Alston

Privatization of the bus sector in England outside London, Scotland, and Wales has delivered a service that is expensive, unreliable, and dysfunctional, said New York University human rights expert, Philip Alston, in a new report. The former UN Special Rapporteur criticized the government’s new national bus strategy for England, which he said merely tinkers with the existing system, offering ineffective half measures that fail to address the structural cause of the country’s bus crisis.

The 38-page report finds that many people have lost jobs and benefits, faced barriers to healthcare, been forced to give up on education, sacrificed food and utilities, and been cut off from friends and family because of a costly, fragmented, and inadequate privatized bus service that has failed them.

“Over the past 35 years, deregulation has provided a master class in how not to run an essential public service, leaving residents at the mercy of private actors who have total discretion over how to run a bus route, or whether to run one at all,” said Philip Alston, who authored the report with Bassam Khawaja and Rebecca Riddell, Co-directors of the Human Rights and Privatization Project at NYU’s Center for Human Rights and Global Justice. “In case after case, service that was once dependable, convenient, and widely-used has been scaled back dramatically or made unaffordable.”

The UK government imposed an extreme form of privatization and deregulation on the bus sector in England outside of London, Scotland, and Wales in 1985, arguing a year earlier that competition would deliver “a better service to the passenger at less cost.” More than three decades later, the promised benefits have not materialized and the current service is grossly inadequate.

Researchers spoke to passengers in England, Scotland, and Wales who described a broken system of fragmented services, disappearing routes, reduced frequency, poor reliability, falling ridership, limited coverage, inefficient competition, and poor information. Average fares have skyrocketed, rising 403 percent in England since 1987, while ridership has plummeted, falling an estimated 38 percent in England outside of London between 1982 and 2016/17.

“Private companies understandably prioritize profits rather than the public good, extracting money from the system while cutting unprofitable but necessary routes,” said Khawaja. “The public has effectively become an insurer of operator profits, propping up private services with considerable subsidies.” Despite privatization, the government provides billions of pounds in funding for bus services annually, accounting for more than 40 percent of funding for bus services in England, and has allocated hundreds of millions more to support private operators during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Bus service failures have restricted access to work, education, healthcare, and food. This has been especially severe for low-income people or those in poverty, as well as those in rural areas, older people, women, and people with disabilities. Inadequate transport systems also jeopardize individuals’ ability to take part in society and cultural life. And because bus services are operated by effectively unaccountable private companies, those impacted often have little meaningful recourse.

“The absence of a strong public bus system affects a great many people’s economic opportunities, but also their means to participate in their communities, travel to football matches or libraries, and visit family and friends,” Alston said.

Buses provide an essential service and account for some 4.5 billion journeys per year in England, Scotland, and Wales—the majority of all journeys on public transportation. More people commute to work by bus than all other forms of public transportation combined. They also boost economic growth, enable access to basic rights, alleviate poverty, and reduce congestion and greenhouse gasses.

The United Kingdom has international human rights obligations directly related to transportation. Physical accessibility is an essential component of many economic and social rights, but also civil and political rights such as the right to vote, to freedom of religion, and to assembly. Many residents’ ability to exercise these rights is directly contingent on access to a reliable and affordable bus service. Parliament should legislate minimum standards of transportation that UK residents can depend on, instead of leaving it up to the vagaries and predations of the market, Alston said.

Alston and his co-authors called on the governments of England, Scotland, and Wales to cease relying on private actors and market forces to determine access to such a vital service, adopt public control of bus transport as the default system, and provide the necessary financial and political support to local authorities pursuing public control or ownership of bus services.

“Unlike the current system, public control or ownership would allow for reinvestment of profits, integrated networks, more efficient coverage, simpler fares, consistency with climate goals, and public accountability,” said Riddell. “It’s also a more cost effective approach.”

“The United Kingdom is one of the wealthiest countries in the world, and can afford a world-class bus system if it chooses to prioritize and fund it,” Alston said. “Instead, the government has outsourced responsibility for a vital public service, propping up an arrangement that prioritizes private profits and denying the public a decent bus.”

This story was originally published as a press release on July 19, 2021.

Public Transport, Private Profit: The Human Cost of Privatizing Buses in the United Kingdom

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Public Transport, Private Profit: The Human Cost of Privatizing Buses in the United Kingdom

The Human Rights and Privatization Project launched a report on the deregulation of local buses in the United Kingdom in July 2021. 

The report finds that the government’s 1985 decision to privatize and deregulate the bus sector in England (outside London), Scotland, and Wales has failed passengers and undermined their rights. Taxpayers are subsidizing corporate profits, while private operators are providing a service that is expensive, unreliable, and often dysfunctional. Fares have skyrocketed while ridership has plummeted, undermining efforts to reduce greenhouse emissions. This approach has also significantly impacted individual’s lives and rights. We found that people have lost jobs and benefits, faced barriers to healthcare, been forced to give up on education, sacrificed food and utilities, and been cut off from friends and family. The government’s new strategy for England leaves this deregulated system in place, and does not address its structural shortcomings. 

The report finds that running a bus service premised on profit and market competition, rather than on the well-being of the public, leads to violations of people’s rights and is incompatible with human rights law. It calls for public control of bus transport as the default approach, which would be more cost-effective and allow for reinvestment of profits, integrated networks, more efficient coverage, simpler fares, consistency with climate goals, and public accountability. Given the importance of public transport on access to essential services and rights, it also calls for a statutory minimum level of service frequency.

In Markets We Cannot Trust: What the Texas Storm Reveals about Privatized Services

INEQUALITIES

In Markets We Cannot Trust: What the Texas Storm Reveals about Privatized Services

Millions of people in Texas went without power and heat during a brutal winter storm. This avoidable catastrophe was the result of trusting the market and private interests to deliver the public good.

“I’m cold and huddled under blankets,” my mom texted me last week, on her second day without power. She is one of millions in Texas, the largest energy-producer in the United States, who went days without electricity or heat during the recent winter storm that killed 30 people. While local politicians moved quickly to falsely pin the blame on renewable energy, the breakdown in Texas demonstrates the folly of relying on private actors and markets to prepare for climate change, to look after the public good, and to guarantee basic rights.

The Texas power system is built on a “total trust in markets” and the suffering last week is a consequence of that misplaced faith. In 1999, the state deregulated its electricity system to a patchwork of private companies, and it now relies on “nearly unaccountable and toothless” regulatory agencies and voluntary guidelines.

The deregulated private companies predictably chose to prioritize short-term profit over investments in the system. They did not winterize the power grid—ignoring the advice of federal authorities and the lessons of a similar 2011 storm—and neglected to maintain a reserve margin for demand surges, unlike every other power system in North America.

The fallout has been unimaginable. More than 4.2 million households lost power in temperatures as low as 4 degrees Fahrenheit. Although the full death toll won’t be known for weeks, at least 30 people died in Texas, including six experiencing homelessness. Hundreds more were poisoned by their efforts to keep warm, such as running generators indoors. People slept in their cars. Clinics shuttered. People of color and low-income individuals were disproportionately affected, with predominantly Black and Latinx neighborhoods among the first to lose power.

Meanwhile, the deregulated market means some companies will receive an appalling windfall from the storm. Sky-high demand for energy during the cold weather drove prices through the roof, and now people who did not lose power face outrageous energy bills. “My savings is gone,” remarked one Dallas resident who now faces a nearly $17,000 bill. In the city of Denton, the rate per megawatt hour jumped from less than $24 to $2,400. The city will pay over $207 million for four days of power which is more than it spends in a typical year.

However, despite its obvious failures, ideological commitment to the market remains on full display. Before the lights were even back on, politicians were lying about the cause of the outages and exploring how further deregulation could “help.”

This anemic vision of government, which is hardly shared by all Texans but too often dominates policymaking at the state level, can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Sensible policies that guarantee basic rights but might diminish profit—such as regulation, planning, taxation, and public provision—are routinely written off as extreme because the government has successfully been recast as primarily a facilitator of markets. Capital-friendly decisions are conveniently, if erroneously, peddled as “win-win” and protective of individual freedoms. Neoliberalism has been internalized by the body politic.

Unfortunately, the market alone will never deliver equitable and reliable access to essential services. It cannot, on its own, guarantee the fulfillment of basic rights. Instead, running public services as an investment risks marginalizing their non-commercial purposes. This is why human rights activists, experts, and monitoring bodies routinely raise concerns about the risks of relying on the private sector to provide critical services. Running public services for a profit without robust regulation can lead to inequitable access, high costs, exclusion, and poor maintenance, while wasting taxpayer money and thwarting accountability.

As others have written, this crisis should serve as a “profound warning” in the context of climate change, which will lead to more frequent extreme weather events. Roads, water systems, power grids, housing, and other essential infrastructure desperately need upgrades. Texas shows us that continuing to rely on profit-focused companies to make those changes will leave many stranded. However, it doesn’t have to be this way. Around the world, energy systems are increasingly brought back under public control through a process called remunicipalization, in part due to private actors’ repeated failures to transition to renewable energy.

As people in Texas stood for hours in lines to enter bare grocery stores for the second time in less than a year, my sister wrote to me: “I now feel acutely aware of the fact that I will not be taken care of in a disaster. People will not turn on your lights, people will not give you heat when it’s freezing, people will not make sure you have good drinking water, and people will not make sure you don’t die of a horrible illness.” If markets continue to be allowed to stand in for government, she will be right.

February 23, 2021. Rebecca Riddell, Human Rights and Privatization Project at the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at NYU School of Law.

UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights

INEQUALITIES

UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights

Philip Alston served as UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights from June 2014 to April 2020. The Special Rapporteur is an independent expert appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor, advise, and report on how government policies are realizing the rights of people in poverty around the world.

During his mandate, Professor Alston carried out 11 official country visits and authored 12 thematic reports to the UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council. His thematic and country reports are available below. He also issued a large body of press releases and communications to states and other actors.

Government Control and Neglect of Women Living in Poverty

INEQUALITIES

Government Control and Neglect of Women Living in Poverty

American Poverty and Human Rights Series

On February 27, 2018, the Center hosted a workshop and a public panel to discuss the unique ways in which poverty affects women across the United States.

Opening remarks
Nikki Reisch
, Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at NYU Law

Keynote address
Khiara M. Bridges, Boston University School of Law; and author of The Poverty of Privacy Rights

Panelists
Martin Guggenheim, NYU Law Family Defense Clinic
Chanel Porchia-Albert, Ancient Song Doula Services
Cherisse Scott, SisterReach
Melissa Torres-Montoya, National Network of Abortion Funds
Melissa Upreti, UN Working Group on Discrimination against Women

Participants included women from the following organizations and institutions:

  • Ancient Song Doula Services
  • Black Mamas Alliance/Feminist Women’s Health Center
  • Boston University School of Law; Center for Human Rights and Global Justice,
  • NYU Law (host & co-convener)
  • Center for Reproductive Rights (co-convener) 
  • Center on Reproductive Rights and Justice, Berkeley Law (co-convener)
  • Columbia Human Rights Institute
  • Human Rights and Gender Justice Clinic 
  • CUNY Law (co-convener)
  • Human Rights Watch
  • National Advocates for Pregnant Women (co-convener)
  • Reproductive Justice Clinic
  • SIA Legal Team (co-convener) 
  • UN Working Group on Discrimination against Women
  •  US Human Rights Network

Members of the UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights’ team were also invited to discuss the role of civil society in engaging with UN special procedures.